vmi
'3; ^ , 7_
THE NEGRO WORKER
VOle II, NOclc
January - February, 1929.
CONTENTS :
1. Lenin --- the Inspirer of the Oppressed.
(Fifth Anniversary of Lenin's Death). By GcSlavin.
2c The Affiliation of the Federation of Non-European Trade
Unions of South Africa to the R„I,LoU. By Ford.
3c Native Workers' T.U. Movement of South Africa.
By T .Reed.
4c The Negro Revolt in "French" Equatorial Africa.
By Barbe.
5. Statement of the International TU Committee of Negro Workers of
the Rel.L.Uo on French Slaughtering in Equatorial Africa.
6. The League Against Imperialism Must Become a Militant Organisation.
(Speech of Comrade Ford, of the International TU Committee of
Negro Workers, at the Enlarged Executive Meeting, January 16,
1929 ) e
7. Crystallisation of the Negro Race Problem in Cuba.
(A Reprint from "The Nation".
‘ Address all correspondence to; •
; Moscow 11, Solyanka 12,
i Profintern.
J . W . FORD
In charge of editing.
J <*
LENIN - THE INSPIRER OF THE OPPRESSED
{Fifth Anniversary of Lenin's Death)
By G. Slav in.
T f I I f
•
Last January marked the Fifth Anniversary of the death of the Great
Leader of the International Proletariat and the oppressed masses, the
founder of the Great Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - the First
Republic of Labor. Replete with numerous proletarian struggles against
capitalist exploitation and oppression of the peoples, against the preda¬
tory policy of the imperialists, these five years mark another step for¬
ward on the road pointed out by Lenin to the complete triumph of the So¬
cial Revolution, to the final abolishment of national and racial oppres¬
sion and to the formation of a World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
After Marx, Lenin was the first one to raise definitely the ques¬
tion of the mutual relations between the proletariat in the countries of
the oppressors and the exploited toiling masses in the colonial and semi¬
colonial countries. He taught us that the work of the National emancipa¬
tion of the colonial peoples was the work of the International Proletar¬
iat and that the Communist Parties and Revolutionary Trade Union Organisa¬
tions must become the organising centres to guide the toiling masses, who
comprise the main force in the national emancipatory movement.
Lenin especially stressed the right of national self-determination,
even to the point of complete secession and the organisation of an indep¬
endent National State. "The right of self-determination" - wrote Lenin
- "means only the right of independence in a political sense, the right
of political secession from the dominant nations. Concretely, this de¬
mand for political democracy means complete freedom to agitate for the
separation and extension of the question of secession by Referendum of
the seceding nations."
Lenin considered that the struggle for self-determination was a
basic factor in the struggle against imperialism and capitalism. "Just as
a complete victory of Socialism is impossible without realising democracy
to the full, so is it impossible for the workers to prepare for a victory
over the bourgeoisie without conducting in all spheres a consistent and
revolutionary struggle for democracy."
At the same time Lenin condemned in no uncertain voice those who
decline to launoh the slogan of self-determination now, under the pretext
that all the same it could not be realised under imperialism and could
only be achieved after the victory of the Socialist Revolution. Such an
attitude to the question of self-determinat J'on was qualified by Lenin as
an attitude directly supporting reaction. "Not only the right of self-
determination for the nations, but all the basic demands of political de¬
mocracy can only be "realised" under imperialism in part, in a distorted
fashion, and only then as a rare exception. The demand for colonial in¬
dependence launched by all the revolutionary Social-Democrats (this was
in 1916, when the Bolsheviks still called themselves Social-Democrats .
G.S.) was also 'hi. real ule "under capitalism without a series of revolution
But from this, however, does not follow the refusal of the Social-Democrats
to struggle immediately and resolutely for all these demands - such a
refusal would only play into the hands of the bourgeoisie and reaction _
on the contrary, it is necessary to formulate and carry out all these de¬
mands not in a reformist, but in a revolutionary fashion."
Self-determination, even if this means the establishment of an
Independent National State, does not mean the division of the internation¬
al proletariat nationally or racially. Hand in hand with the struggle
for national independence the International Proletariat must struggle for
international unity on an organised basis of all workers irrespective of
oolor, nationality or religious convictions.
The struggle for national self-de ' ermination must reinforce and not
weaken international working class unity, and Lenin, who struggled so
- 2 -
ruthlessly against the reformists distorting the slogan of self-determina¬
tion, showed clearly that the foremost revolutionary workers among the
oppressed nations r,must especially defend and put into effect on an or¬
ganised basis complete and unconditional unity between the workers of the
oppressed nations and the workers of dominating nations. Without this
it is impossible to press forward the independent policy of the prolet¬
ariat or its class solidarity with the workers of other countries.”
The right of self-determination is a concrete demand for the
oppressed Negro masses in America, Africa and the West Indies. For them
the right of self-determination must become a central slogan, around which
to mobilise the masses for the general struggle against capitalism and
imperialism. The Negro masses will not be alone in this struggle. Fol¬
lowing the teachings of their Great Leader, militant workers throughout
the world, especially the workers in the U.S.A., England, France, and
Belgium will actively aid their Negro fellow-workers, and under the flag
of LENINISM this struggle will be waged until victory is achieved.
* *
*
THE AFFILIATION OF THE FEDERATION OF
NON-EUROPEAN TRADE UNIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA TO THE R.I.L.U.
The Workers (‘White and Black) on the Offensive Against Capit¬
alist and Imperialist Exploitation.
By J.W.Ford.
i » t
In the latter part of January, the ' Federation of Non-European
Trade Unions of South Africa made application for affiliation to the Red
International of Labor Unions, which was accepted by the Executive Bureau
in regular meeting of February 14, 1929. The Federation is composed of
the following unions:
_ Name _ Membership
Native Laundry Workers 9TR3
Clothing 'Workers 400
Mattress and Furniture Workers 600
Motor and Mechanic Workers 200
Native Baker Workers 300
Name
Transport Workers
Membership
Food and Drink Workers 100
Meat and Cold Storage Work. 314
Cotton and Rope Workers 98
Steel and Engineering Work. 200
Dairy Workers 200
These unions have been organised since the beginning of 1928.
New unions are in the process of organisation, especially in the basic
industries, which will eventually affiliate with the Federation.
According to reports from South Africa, the I.C.U., a semi-trade
union organisation, is falling off in numbers and influence, because of
its failure to fight for the economic demands of the workers and to lead
them in militant struggle. The reformist leadership of the I.C.U. recently
invited the assistance of Ballinger of the Independent Labor Party of
England.
The Unions of the Federation have led many militant strikes -
they have successfully negotiated for the elimination of the color-bar in
some of the white unions and held joint meetings of black and white worker*
Recently there was an amalgamation of the native and European
Laundry Workers* Union, solely through the efforts of the Federation. Na¬
tive unions have, in most industries, 100^ membership. The leaders of the
I.C.U. , seeing that they are losing ground, are beginning splitting tac¬
tics by organising native unions in the same industry.
. _ ,, , t*16 af filiation of the Federation of Non-European Trade Unions
of South Africa to the Red International of Labor Unions is of significance
not only to the proletariat of South Africa white and black, but to the
- 3 -
International labor movement as a whole . Recently we saw a general strike
wave sweeping Europe* It was the struggle of the European workers against
the effects of capitalist rationalisation. We now witness a wave of
strikes in South Africa and particularly in Rhodesia. On the top of this
comes the news of the native uprising in Equatorial Africa.
South Africa is slowly rising from the position of a supplier
of raw materials (mainly to the British Empire), to that of a competitor
on the world market, in coal, iron and steel. The recent industrial
developments are quite significant --- the completion of the big steel
mill at Pretoria, the large exportation of coal, a part of which passes
through the Port of Delagoa Bay, * the Government decision to proceed
with the erection of diamond-cutting works in South Africa, which threatens
the diamond-cutting industry in Europe. Politically, the South African
Government is struggling for formal independence. These events point to
the general tendency of South Africa to "strike out for itself". Very not¬
able in this respect are the negotiations between the Steel and Iron Cor¬
poration (formed with the object of carrying into effect the South African
Government Scheme of developing the metal industry in South Africa) and
the German Firm "Gute-Hoffnungshuette" as to cooperation in the general
scheme. This has caused alarm in leading quarters of British Imperialism.
Of course, Kritain still holds sway over South Africa. However, the strug¬
gle between Great Britain and the South African Government undermines
British Imperialism and influences the workers accordingly.
The Position of Native Workers
Wages of native workers are from one to two shillings per day
lower than the requirements for the bare necessities of life, and out of
this miserable pittance rents and taxes are to be met. In spite of the
shortage of native farm labor, hut-taxes and deplorable conditions in the
farming districts are driving the peasants into the industrial and urban
centers, making the competition in the labor market keener, producing un¬
employment, especially among the white workers. Pass-laws and repressions
of all sort are instituted against the native workers. The bourgeoisie is
hindering the organisation of the native workers, and is hindering especial
the advent of militant organisation. The bourgeoisie finds helpers among
native labor leaders of the type of Kadalie, who together with their white
reformist friends, as for instance Ballinger of the Independent Labor
Party of England, are doing their utmost to make the native trade union
movement as harmless as possible for the capitalists.
Position of White Workers
The color-bar designed to protect' the white workers and to
assure ther?"most favourable positions" has proved of no avail. White work¬
ers are being forced out of work and replaced by low paid natives. In many
oases native workers are employed contrary to the provisions of the Color-
Bar Act. There were 53,000 applications for work at the Labor Exchange
by white workers in 1926, out of which only 7,936 were supplied with work*
the white workers are also being forced to accept work in many lines, jobs
formerly considered fit only for native workers, particularly is this true
in some cases on the railroads.
Change in Attitude of the Workers — - Class Struggle
The conditions of the "poor whites7ro'f "South Africa is deplor¬
able. Native workers are invading the skilled trades, thus threatening
the position of the "most favoured white workers". The white workers are
beginning to understand that only hand in hand with the native workers can
they fight the employers for a better living. Significant was the relative]
/ - - - —
There is an agreement between the South African Government and the Por¬
tuguese Government a] lowing the former to recruit native labor in Mozam¬
bique to work in the South African mines.
_
^argc vote recently cast in the Johannesburg Trades Council in favour of
opening their unions to native workers.
This is the situation which gave rise to the formation of the
Federation of Native Trade Unions and its affiliation to the RILU. Our
comrades from the Federation write:
"These unions have already been baptized in the capitalist fire.
The laundry workers have won six strikes, lost one; furniture work¬
ers won two strikes, clothing workers won one and lost one, drivers
won one strike. Previously native strikes in South Africa were un¬
known with perhaps one exception'1.
lowering of Color-Bars
This shows that tEFlvorkers are on' theToffensive . Most of these
strikes have been wage-strikes. We have here a~~cTasir~of class interests.
Another quotation from our ^comrades reads:
"The existing parallel white unions have more or less broken, con¬
sciously broken the color-bar; meetings between black and white
workers in the laundry, furniture and clothing industries are a very
common occurrence. Unfortunately, there are no white drivers1 union,
or food and drink workers1 union, or we might come to some agreements.
Negotiations are going on between the white miners1 union and the
oolored mineworkers1 union,'1
This is also is symptomatic and showi that economic conditions
are breaking down the antagonisms of color, that in South Africa the
white and black workers are beginning to unite upon the basis of the
class struggle. In the course of 1928 we saw for the first time in the
history of South Africa joint strikes of black and white workers, we saw
blaok workers coming to the support of strikes of white workers and vice-
versa. This new tendency towards Unity is undeniable. It even compelled
the so-called "Left11 labor ists to make some radical gestures. Thus,
Medley, Labor member of the Government and Minister of Posts, received a
deputation of native workers, and the Johannesburg Trades Council where
there was quite a large vote in favour of admission of Negro workers in
the unions. However, in the unity and the joint strikes of white and blacl
workers we have the real thing, the recognition of the class .struggle.
What we are witnessing here on this far-flung seotor of the international
labor front, is the beginning of an offensive against the intolerable con¬
ditions prevailing in South Africa.
Political Situation
The situation in South Africa for the militant workers has its
political side and its political signif icance , A bitter struggle is going
on now preliminarily to the forthcoming elections, and however much the
question of the natives is thrust into the background or whatever little
underhand political tricks are made to confuse the issue, the BIG politioai
issue, THE (QUESTION OF THE NATIVES, faces the whole working class of
South Africa. Hertzog declares for an "All-White South African Govern¬
ment", The strikes of the workers in South Afrioa cannot remain purely
economic struggles, they become unavoidably political ones; there are
clashes with the police, with the courts and with the Government. The
big question of Native Labor is the biggest political issue. The Labor
Party is at one with the capitalists and against native labor, which is
deprived of all political rights in South Africa
Beds ions of the Fourth Congress of the RILU
The Sixth World Congress oT the Communist International has
advanced the slogan of a Y/orkers1 and Peasants1 Government, which as ap¬
plied to South African cohcLTtTdns“meahs"r ’’a' Native Republic", a "Black
Republic", since the great bulk of the South African's proletariat is
black, with safeguards and protection for all sections of the working po¬
pulation. The provocative abuse in the capitalist press, not only in
South Africa but throughout England, and even in the petty-bourgeois Negro
~ O -
press of America, further demonstrates the soundness cf this slogan. The
question of labor in South Africa is not only a question of industrial
labor but also of agricultural labor closely connected with the agrarian
situation.
The Fourth Congress of the RILU summed up the situation in
South Africa in the following resolution;
"The central problem of the trade union movement in South Africa is
that of COLORED LABOR and the relations which exist between the or¬
ganisations of the white workers and those of the colored workers,
the latter constituting the great majority of the South African pro¬
letariat.
"The antagonism and hostility between white and colored workers are
advantageous only to the capitalists and are being fostered by them
in every way. Beginning with 1982 (the strike lost by the white trade
unionsj the condition of the white workers is getting continually
worse, in consequence of the attraction of ever-larger numbers of
cheap SKILLED colored workers to the mining enterprises. There is only
one way out of the situation, the single organisation of the white and
colored workers, the united front of the whole of the South African
proletariat against Capital".
Subsequent events have proved the correctness and the soundness
of this resolution. We see the rise in South Africa of militant trade
unions, their successful efforts at unity, and their appeal for affilia¬
tion to the RILU. The reformists are for class collaboration, against the
class struggle. However, the reformists are fast losing ground in South
Africa, the workers are deserting the reformists and are going over to
those who lead a militant struggle. Here too, on the question of reform¬
ism, the Fourth Congress of the RILU pointed out thao the reformists were
agents of the bosses, that the workers would have to repudiate their lead¬
ership and fight them as they fight Capital. In South Africa the workers
struggle against their Ballingers, as elsewhere they struggle against their
Thomases . There is the greatest need too for the native to fight Kadalie
and his group who by their affiliating the J.C.U. to the Amsterdam Inter¬
national have betrayed the workers and led them into the camp of the cap¬
italists and imperialists. The Fourth Congress in its resolution on the
Amsterdam International says;
In the last few years the ^imsterdam International and the Internationa
Industrial Secretariat, led by the former, have particularly shown
their dependence on the International bourgeoisie.
"The colonial policy of the Amsterdam International betrays the in¬
terests of the workers of the imperialist countries and colonies alike.
Instead of aiding the movement of the colonial workers and endeavour¬
ing to raise their 1 iving standards --- in which are also vitally in¬
terested the bulk of the workers in the imperialist countries --- the
Amsterdam International and the leaders of its important sections are
either holding aloof when it suits them, or they try to take the labor
movement under their wing in order to render it harmless from the
standpoint of the interests of imperialism.......
"Quite clearly the role of Amsterdam is that of a tool of imperialist
capital in its struggle against the national-revolutionary and labor
movement in the colonies and semi-colonies."
Indications as to the loss of influence of the reformist lead¬
ership of Kadalie is shown by the loss of support in the ICU and also by
the fact that large sections of the workers of the ICU are coming into the
new Federation. Ballinger has been brought to South Africa to save the
semi-trade union ICU from further disintegration. Kadalie is making fraoi
t0 fesain his lost Prestige, The workers find the money-changers
fighting oyer the spoils of office, the main fight being between Champion
who is in leadership of the Ratal Branch, and Kadalie, So the reformists
are on their Last leg and the workers must give them the final kick.
- 6 ~
The Tasks of the Hew Federation of Trade Unions
The most important task of the Federation is to bring the great
mass of native workers into their organisation., Only with the mass or¬
ganisation of the native workers can there he an effective and successful
struggle against Capital., This organisation must become the vanguard
for revolutionary struggle in South Africa, The mass organisation of
the native workers can heat down the oppressive measures of the Govern¬
ment and the Bourgeoisie .
At the same time the Federation must struggle more and more for
the unity of the trade union movement upon the basis of the class strug¬
gle, it must more and more bring about the consolidation of native and
white organisations , and the native and white workers. This is a basic
task. The many tendencies towards joint meetings and joint strikes of
the white and black workers show the feasibility and possibility of this
unity, The Federation must achieve the bringing together of all the
workers of South Africa, white and black. There must be one and only
one Federation of Workers of South Africa,
Unity of Black and White Workers
The reformists 'pretend' arid" are seemingly defending the standards
of the white workers by opposing the black workers; they refuse to bring
the black workers into the organisations of the white v/orkers, pretend¬
ing all the time, that they are securing the position of the white work¬
ers, defending the lowering of the standards of the white workers against
the competition of the black workers s But what is actually taking place
is precisely the opposite. The bosses are freely using the black workers
against the white workers, thus the tactics of the reformists play into
the hands of the capitalists against the interests of the white and black
workers ,
The main object of the blaok workers is to overcome this. They mean
still further to struggle, not alone to achieve equal wages and conditions
but to raise the general standards of all the workers above the prevailing
standards, fighting continually for higher wages and better conditions.
It is quite clear that black workers must struggle to raise the position
of the whole proletariat to struggle jointly in strikes, etc*, for this
objective. But without common struggle of the black and white workers,
this cannot be realised. Thus, the black workers, whose interests are in-
solubly bound together, must struggle to achieve and raise the standard
of wages and of working conditions of the whole proletariat. This is the
basic task of the working olass of South Africa.
The Federation must strengthen its present affiliated unions and
penetrate more and more into the basic and principal industries, parti¬
cularly mining. It must extend its operations into the countryside and
organise the agricultural workers and peasants, bringing them into close
unity for a united struggle of workers and peasants against Capital.
A merciless struggle must be carried on against reformism and the
reformist bureaucrats, Kadalie-ism must be swept out of South Africa;
Ballinger must also be swept away. No trace of reformism must be left.
The whole reformist tactics must be explained to the workers, the role of
the Amsterdam International, of collaboration and betrayal must be pointed
out to the broad working masses. The connection between Amsterdam and ever-u
bourgeois State must be pointed out, the role they are playing at the
present moment in bringing Kadalie to Europe to receive his instructions
from the British bourgeosie. The Federation must point out to the workers
the relationship between Thomas’ trip to China and the East, and Ballin¬
ger s into South Africa. Despite the fact that large numbers of workers
are coming over from the ICU into the Federation, it must do all in its
power to win over the remaining members individually and collectively by
the real role of the lea<lers of the ICU, and giving
th» Th6re 1S 300 fisllb with the members of the^CU,6
the Federaion has a militant and correct Programme of Action for them.
V A Pro granine
The basis of the struggle' in" 'South Africa is the day to day r;
struggles against the repressive and oppressive measures of Capital,
therefore some of the basio day to day tasks and demands must be the fol¬
lowing:
1. EQUAL PAY FOR EQUAL WORK: Negro workers as a rule are work¬
ing at lower wages than white workers * In South Africa the wages of na¬
tive workers are from 4 to 5 times lower than the wages of European work¬
ers in most fields of work; in order to raise the standards of living
and subsistence of Negro workers it is necessary to struggle for equal
pay for equal work, regardless of race, color or sex« At the same time
the Negro workers together with all other workers must wage a common fight
for higher wages, raising the general standard of living of all the workers
2. AIT EIGHT-HOUR LAY: One of the main task3 of the Negro work¬
ers should be to obtain an 8-hour day and ultimately together with the
rest of thr working class a 7 and a G-hour day*
3* FORCED LABOR: In South Africa forced labor takes the form
of contract labor, natives being conscripted and recruited in Mozambique
(Portuguese East Africa) and transported long distances to work in the
mines of South Africa, where they live in compounds and cattle pens. This
system is legallised through the so-called "Mozambique Treaty", which
exists between Portugal and the South African Government*
4* WORKERS * LEGISLATION ( INSURANCE , ETC,): As one of the means
of raising the living standard of the workers we must demand the adoption
and enforcement of insurance laws that provide for the oare, at the ex¬
pense of the employers, of all workers in case of unemployment, accidents,
sickness and also the paying of old age pensions and death benefits „
5* CLASS COLLABORATION: We must wage a militant fight against
Government coercion, compulsory arbitration, company unions; against all
reformist class collaboration*
6« RACIAL BARRIERS IN THE TRADE UNIONS; We must conduct a re¬
lentless fight against racial bars in some of the existing white unions,
and for the opening of the unions to all workers regardless of race and
color, as well as against the division of unions on national, racial and
religious lines*
7, AGAINST 7/HITE TERRORISM; We must carry on a resolute fight
against torroris, in all its forms <=»»*=• against lynchings, police and sol-
uier terrorism, against the assassination of trade union leaders and sooial
workers, against their arrest and deportation*
8* HOUSING AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS: We must demand that adequate
attention be paid to the protection of the health and well-being of the
Negro workers and their families and that proper houses and social sur¬
roundings be provided for*
9“ COLOR-BARS: All "Color-Bars" and caste systems, which split
the ranks of the workers must be abolished* 1
10* AGAINST LAND CONFISCATION, POLL AND HUT TAXES; A special
problem is the land question and particularly the agrarian policy of the
J°Jern“®niio must therefore fight against confiscation of
native land and for the restitution of all land confiscated in the past to
the native communities, as well as for the abolition of all special taxes
and laws which result in the driving of the peasants from the land*
.. . lle CIVIL RIGHTS; a basic task for agitational and organisational
elemlitar? h+n our.main struggle against imperialism, is to achieve
lementary civil rights, universal suffrage, freedom of speech freedom of
^?liH0n ?f a11 discrimination? ab*u«*n c?
worke^rws rUts?11 0U"r ^ “4 re6“lati°ns depriving the Negro
v» ^‘ SELF-DETERMINATION OF NEGROES; In South Africa the trade
ansys arsas arras-
- o -
■J
£:; With this Programme and a relentless struggle to realise it
clas federation will grow from strength to strength, and will be able to
f lead, the working masses of South Africa victoriously against the forces
tof. Capitalism and Imperialism. -
*
NATIVE WORKERS * T. U, MOVEMENT OP SCUTII AFRICA
By T0 Reed.
1 1 1
The native labor movement of South Africa during the last
quarter of 1cj£0 was distinguished by a number of events which once more
brought this movement into the centre of attention of the country. In
c0otober the native workers in one of the Government enterprises, the ex¬
perimental veterinary station in Pretoria, declared a strike. The workers
of the Station, who are practically all united in the Industrial and
Commercial Workers' Union, demanded wage increases and nominated for the
negotiations with the management a delegation in which two representatives
c ot the local union branch participated. The management, however, acting
according to the directions from the Ministry for Agriculture, emphatically
refused to permit the representatives of the Union to negotiate and then
issued an order to dismiss all members of the delegation. This served
as the pretext for the declaration of the strike of 75 workers, union
members. Immediately after the non- turn up of the workers at the station,
7& company of police arrived, and by threats of arrests attempted to force
the workers to call the strike off. The workers refused to submit and
were immediately arrested and sent to prison. After several days impri¬
sonment the workers were sentenced to pay a fine of 10/- each, and upon
return to the station they were all dismissed.
t. S,uch is the short shift meted out to the native workers upon
^ their first attempt at organised aotion during the past year. Even the
elementary standards of law* which have been established by these same
authorities were violated.
31. As the experimental station is a Government enterprise and all
these actions were taken upon the immediate directions of the given min-
istry, by these actions the Government in no uncertain sense showed how
it intends to react to analogous aotion by the native workers, and what
is its attitude towards the aotivitiea of the native Industrial and Com¬
mercial Workers' Union.
When Kadalie, the Secretary of tho Union, arrived at the
scene of the strike, he was- under threat of arrest not even permitted to
set foot on the territory of the station,
. Thus, all the services of the leaders of the Industrial and
Commercial Workers' Union in class collaboration, all their assurances
that the union is being reorganised on a purely trade unionist basis and
°i /?i!?0V}ng the position of the native workers by "constl-
tutional means (this in a country where oonstitution signifies for the
Tn!;kera comjlete disenfranchisement and ruthless exploitation), all
their endeavours to carry favour with the employers by expulsions of Com
munlsts from the Union ... all this was of no avail and did not he li) them
"4? 6 rso°snition of their right to participate in the settlement
9£ the dispute which involved the native workers and union members,
up -ani aii> evea the t
. The more "sober" ones in the camp of. the South African bour-
during the lively pelenios in the press, which started in connects
imp-' • .
- 9 -
arlth the events at the veterinary station, heat an alarm as to the Govern¬
ment pushing the native workers into the embrace of the Communists by
such an attitude towards the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, and
expressed an opinion that it was necessary to consider whether "the organ¬
isation (ICU) promises to become as a safety valve in cases of dissatis- »
faction of native workers"., The press of the South African Party (a Party
representing the interests of British commercial and industrial bourgeoisie
on it3 part, gives an emphatically positive reply to this question.
The other action taken by the native postal workers, who demanded
from the Ministry wage increases and general improvement of the conditions
of labor is in the closest connections with the Pretoria Strike. This
action has become especially important in view of the fact that it was
the immediate cause of the subsequent ministerial crisis and the resigna¬
tion of Madeley, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, member of the "Left"
Wing of the South African Labor Party, and the only representative of thatr
Wing in the Cabinet.
After Madeley, under the pressure of the South African Trade
Union Congress (white), to which the I.C.U. had appealed for assistance,
had commenced negotiations on the position of native postal woikeis with
the ICU and Congress delegation, the Prime Minister Hertsog requested him"'
to resign in view of the fact that his attitude towards the ICU was not
in conformity with that of the Government and did not accord with the po¬
sition taken up by the Minister of Agriculture in connection with the re-p
cent strike in Pretoria. As Madeley refused to resign, Hertsog resolved r
to carry out his line to the end, himself resigned, and then once more
accepted the post of Prime Minister, forming a new Cabinet, loaving out
Madeley, who was replaced by Sampson, a member of the chauvinist Cresswell
Group, which had split off from the Labor Party, aa regards Madeley's
stand, it was only to be noted that the significance of this Left gesture
taken by him should not be overestimated. That his action (negotiations
with the ICU) is nothing but a Left gesture, is proved by the whole sub¬
sequent policy of the "Left" group of the Labor Party, to which Madeley be¬
longs and which now, on the eve of the Parliamentary elections, i3 once -
more seeking rapprochement with the Cresswell Group, as without the united
forces of both groups their chances are exceedingly unall at the elections.
All this oharactorises the conditions in which the native labor
movement of Couth Africa develops. And it becomes clear that only by rev¬
olutionary action, despite the inevitability of heavy losses, only by over¬
coming all conciliatory reformist tendencies, will the native labor move¬
ment of South Africa be able to develop successfully ana strengthen its
* *
*
.e-
THE NEGRO REVOLT IN "FRENCH" EQUATORIAL AFRICA
By Barbe.
1 1 1
What is generally called the French Congo is composed of four
districts: Oubanghi-Chari, Gabon, Middle Congo, Hatu Ogoue; since the
Versailles Treaty the xormer German colony Cameroon was added to this.
In I910 the approximate black population of these four colonial
districts -— without Cameroon — was 9 million inhabitants. According
tp the official figures given by the Minister Sarraut in 1912 this popula-
million and the last official figure which was given
in 19*1 it hau fallen still lower to 2,800,000. These figures indicate the
constant and almost unbelievable destruction of the population, which is
going on under imperialist colonisation. The disappearance of more than
6 million Negroes is not due solely to reasons of migration nor is it due
1 r'
L\j —
entirely to military causes 3uch as recruiting for the colonies in North¬
ern Africa and for service in France, hut it is mainly due to the policy
and practice of French imperialism in these colonies , This constant dec¬
rease of the population has been acknowledged by the official represent¬
atives of French Imperialism, The petty-bourgeois pacifist deputy Valude,
who belongs to the French Radical-Socialist Party, emphasised in 1924 the
fact "that the French intervention. in these regions has led to a decima-
tion of the population," The Minister pf the colonies, kaginot, said igt
December 1926, in a speech on the colonial budget: "V/e have been freopient-
ly reproached for the great mortality which the construction of the Co ngbr-
Ocean Railway is causing among the population of French Equatorial iifriba,
'ii It is a fact, that this mortality is extremely high".
Second Important Revolt in Congo
Now concerning the actual revolt'," This is not the first insur¬
rection of the Congo Negroes, Since French imperialism penetrated into the
Congo there has been an almost uninterrupted fight of a lesser or greater
violence going on between the Negroes and the imperialist warlords. But
V this is the first time, that we meet with an organised insurrection not
confined to some places, but extending over the whole of the territory, ~
The first insurrection that may be oompared to the present one, but which
yet was less important, took place in 1924; it lasted only several dayg^
’ 1 and it was drowned in blood by imperialism. Certain bourgeois sources of
Information have consequently given more or less contradictory figures
about this insurrection, but all of them state that thousands of persons
Were killed. n
The present insurrection is much more important than the insur-*
rection of 1924; it comprises 12 centres of the colony; Fort-Archambault ,
Audar, Mayo-Kabi, Callas, Carnot, etc. All the bigger settlements have gone
into revolt. One may say that the difference between this insurrection
and that of 1924 lie: in the fact that this time the revolt against Frenqh
imperialism comprises the total population of th- French Equatorial Afrioa,
This is not the only characteristic and the only new aspect of
this insurrection, Another one is its duration. According to the latent
* informations, the insurrection began on November 5,1928, and lasted with
the same violence till the beginning of January 20, and still goe3 on.
This is really without precedent,
7/hat arc the new forms of this armed uprising, the new forms that
developed In this insurrection? The great characteristic of this insurrec¬
tion is the fight against forced recruitment. The most practical form
which this fight has taken is the following: the Negroes in those centerq,
which I have already indicated, have killed in a systematic manner all the
ohiefa of the recruiting troops,
Negroes Capture French Troops
The second phase', one may 'say', in the development of the insur¬
rection, i3 the routing of the reinforcements that were sent after the
first fights, by the Negroes of the villages in revolt.
But this insurrection has adopted an even more important form.
Even in the very modest Information given in the official press, we find 0
indications that a number of bridges, etc,, have been destroyed; that vil¬
lages have been fortified by the Negroes for resistance and another fact
that colonial infantry were taken prisoners by the Negroes which is unan¬
imously qualified by the bourgeois press as absolutely unheard of. prior 1
v to this.
On the strength of these rather general indications, one may say
that this insurrection constitutes the most serious and wide-spread insur¬
rection that has ever taken place in French Equatorial Africa, considering
the number of Negroes involved, the protracted nature of the fight and the
inany forms it assumed,
7/hat are- the causes of this Insurrection? If one were to give
a general answer, one night say, that it is the oppression of French im-
but examining more deeply, one may find two great general and
J
-li¬
lt
I
>
more fundamental causes for this insurrection*
1* The considerable strengthening of the efforts of Trench
imperialism to realise the economic value of Prenoh Equatorial Africa.
2. The stronger efforts of French imperialism to make French
Equatorial Africa participate in the reorganisation of the Imperialist
forces towards a new war. In this connection one must stress the fact,
that French imperialism has established a whole plan for what is called
"The Black Array" — - a black army, which is to be concentrated in French
northern Africa, in Algeria and Tunis as well as around certain industrial
centres in France. The first practical results of this plan have already
been seen during the recent strikes and particularly in the region of
Gard in France, where 18,000 miners were on strike, and where the white
s'oYdiers had fraternised with the strikers; there the white artillery
wa3 replaced by blaok troops from Senegal and from French Equatorial Africa
French Equatorial Africa has in fact an enormous economic im¬
portance for French imperialism; it is mainly providing France with rub¬
ber, wood, certain special kinds of wood, and it possesses natural re¬
sources such as mines and copper; it is also furnishing manioc, and
finally, it is a region where oil may be obtained. During the last years
French imperialism has made great efforts to obtain maximum results in
French Equatorial Africa.
Actually, almost 40 companies have been spread on the terri¬
tory of this colony. These 40 companies occupy a territory of nearly
800,000 square kilometres. One might quote the names of all these companies
but this is perhaps not necessary; what must be stressed is the tremendous
increase of the profits of these companies especially during the last
four years. The proportions of thi3 increase in general vary from 1 to 6
million.
Concerning the increase of capital of these companies one may
find interesting facts. Thus; the Compagnie Equatoriale des Tines in¬
creased its capital of 7,500,000 francs to 20 millions in five years; the
Compagnie I.Iiniere du Congo increased its capital from 1 million in 1906
to 23 millions in 1925. One of the foremost companies the Ganglia Oubanghi
augmented its original capital of 12 million francs in 1911 to 36 million
francs in 1925.
It was on the territory of the Compagnie Forestiere do Sangha
Oubanghi that the insurrection started. This company has the monopoly for
rubber and manioc in this district. It realised in 1926 8 million franca
of net profits plus three millions for amortisation, a total of 11 million
francs. The form of exploitation in this district and in, general over tho
whole of French Equatorial Afrioa may be characterised as forced labor.
French imperialism has already years before tne war abolished the slavery
laws in its colonies , but instead there has been established a system of
forced labor for the Negro population which has in fact re-established
the system, that had been legally abolished. It is not only forced labor
in the sense of individual production of the Negro but forced iabor in the
sense of a definite programme of results
village to provide a certain production,
territory of the Compagnie Forestiere de
provide a certain quantity of rubber and
fixed by the Company. If a village and
through the obligation of a wholbn
Thus, all the villages on the
Sangha Oubanghi are obliged to
manioc, the amount of which is
its inhabitants do not provide
every month the quantity assigned to them then violent repressions are ap¬
plied against the village, which range from the imposing of a fine to the*
complete destruction of a village. For rubber the Negro worker is paid 1
franc per kilogramme and the Negro has to spend 1 month in the forest in
order to obtain ten kilos of rubber (ten francs per month’). For manioo
the Negro is paid one franc for a basket of 10 kilogrammes. Whilst this
uompagnie i'orestiere, which has the rubber and manioc monopoly in this dis¬
trict is paying one franc per kilogramme of rubber and one franc
kilogrammes of manioc, in Cubanghi-Chari 12 francs
gramme of rubber, and 2 francs 50 for 10
emphasise the fact that
for ton
are paid for one kilo-
kilogrammes of manioc. One must
apermanent repression, which is exercised against
the ITe^roes, and which is also one of the causes of this insurrection,
lies in the fact that the Negroes more and more want to give up the
gathering of rubber and manioc and concentrate on the gathering of palm-
oil nuts. The market for these is divided between a number of companies
30 that u competition exists and the Negroes are able to demand much
higher prices; (Negroes may harvest approximately • 30 to 35 kilogrammes
of palm nuts per month for which they are paid from 6 to 7 francs per
kilogramme). They are going in for this work all the more readily as it
is much less tiresome than the gathering of rubber and manioc and also as
it allows them to remain near their village and even to return there every
night, whilst the gathering of rubber cdmpels them to go into the forest,
which may be far from their residence.
What is the role of the French Government with regard to these
capitalist companies? Here one may study the whole hypocricy of the law
about the suppression of slavery. In French Equatorial Africa we have
in my opinion the most typical example of the connection that exists bet¬
ween the State and the capitalist exploiting companies diroctcd agaLnst
the native population. The role of the French Government in French Equa¬
torial Africa is that of the recruiting agent of labor power for the
capitalist companies. This fact is, besides, legally admitted, as every
contract of the capitalist companies contains a concrete paragraph which
obliges the French State, its colonial government, and its military forces
to recruit as many Uegroes for the company, as is fixed in the contract.
Thus, the Societe Forestiere, which I have already mentioned is "furnished'
approximately 5,000 persons per month. Another company, the Societe du
Ilaut-Oghoue is "furnished" 1,500 Negro workers, and finally, a company
which has only of late begun to work there, the Societe des Batignolles,
had included in its contract a paragraph about the "furnishing of men".
This Company has been "furnished" 8,000 men for the construction of the
Congo Ocean Railway. This Railway is for French Equatorial Africa what
the Trans- Saharian Railway will be in northern Africa for the unification
of the African colonies. This Congo-Ocean Railway has a great economic
significance as it will permit the speedy transportation of raw materials
from the colonies to France. Another consequence will be the abolition of
thb transport of goods on the back of Negro workers which before the in¬
auguration of the railway has been the means of transportation.
This railway has therefore two significant consequences:
greater rapidity of transportation and a greater security for the arrival
of goods. The construction of this railway has still another reason:
French imperialism states, that this transportation on the backs of* the
natives was one of the main reasons for the constant decim/fction of the po¬
pulation. It is clear, that we must not be taken in by the humanitarian
phrases, which are at present used by the Inspectors of the Ministry of
Colonies who declare that the construction of the Congo-Ooean Railway
is the greatest fact towards the civilisation of the country. If French
imperialism is constructing this railway, it does not do so in order to
suppress the transport on the back of the workers, but because this rail¬
way will allow it to increase its profits and it will even compensate the
shortage of labor due to the decimation of millions of Negroes in the
course of several decades, an effect which has begun to disquiet imper¬
ialism. *
It is quite clear that the construction of this Jongo-Ccean
Railway has been undertaken because French imperialism did not find enough
Negroes for the carriage of goods and in order to make up for the disap¬
pearance of millions of Negroes as a consequence of French Imperialist
policy.
The second important reason for the construction of this rail¬
way is the possibility of concentrating greater numbers of troops by Rail¬
way in Northern Africa and consequently in France.
The le*igth of the working day for the 'forest and mining com¬
panies and for the Cociete de Construction de chemin de Fer is not less
than 15 hours for Negroes, v/e must stress the fact that during this Congo-
- 13
T
J
Ocean railway construction, according to official figures, 17,000 Negroes
have already died of fatigue during the construction work* These 17,000
Negroes have died whilst only 140 kilometres have so far been built, which
amounts to 123 dead workers per kilometre!
In this region of Haut Oghoue, where this really unheard of
decimation took place, 1,100 Negroes have been shot by the Societe Fores-
tiere in 1927 when a number of villages did not provide the required amount
of rubber*
In another region, La Gabon, the population has gone down from
1,050,000 in 1911 to 300,000 in 1921* According to the official figures
of the Colonial Ministry, there are in Iluta-Oughoue, where the revolt i3
assuming the most violent forms, approximately 4,000 deaths and even
5,000 per year for every 20,000 inhabitants*
These few facts, perhaps somewhat disconnected, show the actual
causes of the present insurrection.
One must emphasise the fact that the present discontent assumed
a religious form; the leaders of the present insurrection are the "sorcer¬
ers”. This form of insurrection becomes quite understandable if one
realises that in Congo there exists no' other factor capsule of guiding
the Negro population^ llie insurrection develops in a spontaneous manner *
'./hat have boen the reparcussions of this insurrection in France'
French imperialism and the official Government have generally come to the
conclusion, that the exploitation in French Equatorial Africa may have
been pressed a little too far! It is characteristic, if certain papers,
like the "Journal de Debut" declare that the lack of connection with the
colonies has allowed certain exactions which must be remedied” rapidly * —
■tvnoTher reaction came" 'from the Ministry of Colonies which
plans and is already organising the dispatch of what is called "labor po¬
wer” of greater resistance. This "labor power of greater resistance" shall
according to the phrase of Maglnot "relieve our tired population in French
Equatorial Africa*" It is recruited in Indo-China0 Already two detach-
menta of 800 Indo-Chinese have been recruited for French Equatorial Africa.
Among the results which this movement has had in France,' it
is necessary to point out the attitude of the Socialist Party* The Social¬
ist Party decided to question the Government through its official journal
Populaire, and it took exactly the same line of approach as the of¬
ficial press; thus, the specialist of the Socialist Party on Colonial
subjects, Fontanier, wrote in "Populaire": "The insurrection must be con¬
sidered as the reflex of the aggravation of our mistakes down there, but
at the same time we must admit the enormous achievement of France in ''educ¬
ating" the primitive population of French Equatorial Africa". Secondly,
we find in the approach of the Socialist Party the idea that the insurrec¬
tion is particularly due to the excitement of the most backward religious
elements of thi3 region against European "civilisation" * Those arc tne
political conceptions of the Socialist Party of the situation in Congo.
v/hat has been done by French Communist Party? The French
Communist Party led a rather serious campaign in "Humanite" where it gave
all the fact3 and analysed the results of the policy of imperialist pen¬
etration into this colony* It gave some slogans for the fight:
On anti-imperialist Fighting Bloc between tne Negroes and the
French V/orkers; liberation of French Equatorial Africa, fight against
the Color-Bar, dividing the Negroes of French Equatorial Africa from the
Frenoh workers; organisation of the Negro Workers in France*
♦ *
*
Collection Number: AD1715
SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS (SAIRR), 1892-1974
PUBLISHER:
Collection Funder:- Atlantic Philanthropies Foundation
Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive
Location:- Johannesburg
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- 14
I STATEMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION COMMITTEE
OF NEGRO ’.YORKERS OF THE R.I.L.U.
i : 'ON
; FRENCH SLAUGHTERING IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA
The burbarous system of colonial exploitation, slavery and
oppression is still flourishing in its most brutal form. Forced labor
and other forms of oppression by French imperialists in Equatorial
Africa has killed off native railroad workers at the rate of tens of
thousands and swept away whole sections of the native population. While
the International Labor Office at Geneva, in the name of civilisation,
is supposed to be investigating the conditions of forced labor among
the natives, this barbarous oppression growing out of the conditions
of forced labor is going on without any action on their part. During
a decade the population has been reduced by six millions. For the last
several months native workers have been in open revolt against French
imperialist oppression. At this moment French Imperialism is crushing
native workers, and carrying "civilisation" into Africa at the point
of the bayonet. This raping of Africa, the bathing of the struggles
of the workers in their own blood and the extermination of whole sec¬
tions of the population in order that imperialism may flourish is
shrouded in silence and secrecy. Only fragmentary bits of news leak
out through the strictest censorship about this uprising and the conse¬
quent slaughterings by the French imperialists. This censorship and
secrecy has as its object the hiding of the barbarism of the French
Imperialists .
Brothers and Workers of the World I Protest in world wide
unison against the slaughtering of our African brothers and follow
workers J Unmask the Impositors!
The International Trade Union Committee of Negro v/orkers
of the R.I.L.U. calls upon the working class movement to protest and
rally to the support of the African Workers.
We appeal to the French V/orkers to send a Workers' Delega¬
tion, including Negro Workers, to investigate this blood curdling
oppression of French Imperialism.
World Revolutionary Movement: Mobilise the Masses* Ur mask
the French Imperialist Cut-Throats J
With our African Brothers and Fellow Workers we struggle
against French Imperialism and against World Imperialism.
THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION
COMMITTEE
OF NEGRO WORKERS OF THE R.I.L.U.
i
* *
*
15
THE LEAGUE AGAINST IuPEllIAIISM
LUST BE COLE A MILITANT ORGANISATION
m ,.i
The temporary stabilisation of capitalism and the complete i exer¬
tion of the leaders of the second and Amsterdam Internationals to the camp,
of the bourgeoisie have considerably strengthened the position of the im¬
perialists and has enabled then to gain several important victories.
,,'ith the help of English, french and other armed fore 03. tre Chi¬
nese Revolution has been smashed. The uprising of the workers and peasants
of Indonesia, who raised their arras against their oppressors na.1 been .
drowned in a sea of blood. The national-emancipatory movements in Morocco,
Syria and Egypt have suffered defeat. North American Imperialism celebrates
its triumph over the Latin American countries and the British Imperialists
have succeeded in putting their hireling on the Afghan throw . Triumphant
imperialism is more and more openly preparing to effect its chief aln — -
the destruction of the first Soviet Republic.
The problem of organising opposition to the further attack of the
imperialists and the struggle for the final emancipation of the oppressed
nations fighting against the danger of a new world war, and in particular,
a war against the U.3.S.R., is at the present time more urgent than ever
before. It is for this reason that the Plenum of the Executive Committee
of the League Against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression, v/hich was held
in Cologne, on the 15th and 16th of January, was especially important. The
Plenum discussed chiefly questions referring to the organisational strength
eiiing of the League and the intensification of its influence, in particular
in the question of relations with the trade unions. These questions at
the present time are most important for the further existence of the
League. Organised at the anti-imperialist Congress, held in Brussels in
February 1927, the League against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression and
for National Independence, was intended by the initiators to unite f,all
political organisations, all parties, trade unions ana persons, v.Lo are
fighting against imperialist domination, for self-determination of all na¬
tions, for the national liberty of all peoples, for equal rights of all
races, classes and individuals, on the; basis of the recognition of the re¬
solutions of the Brussels Congress.. ”
The League is not without imperialist persecution and opposition.
Its leaders in all countries are subjected to persecution by imperialist
governments. One of its most prominent workers, a Negro, Latrine Senghor ,
a delegate from French Africa, and a member of the Exocut i-"©, even paidn * ,
with his life for his activities in the League. Scon after the Brussels
Congress he was arrested in France, imprisoned, and there died of con¬
sumption.
Tho governments of the imperialist States hinder by ix\ means in
their power League connections with the colonial countries, r * i /ermittifg
any correspondence or publications to pass. From the commence , e •• •, this rep¬
ressive policy of the governments has enjoyed tho support of t; Second **
International. The leaders of the Second, so-called, Labox Sooi list Inter¬
national, have organised a veritable campaign of lies and slander, attempt¬
ing to represent tiie no ague as the result of Communist machinations. The
Executive Committee of the Second International, in September 1927, parsed
a decision in which it considered it impermissible that any of the Interna¬
tional Sections should affiliate to tho League. The hostile attitude
towards the League has resulted in that many Socialists, League members
including Lanbury , its first President, have declared their resignation*
from the League.
Lespite all the difficulties, however, the League has been in
existence for practically two years. These two years have been years 5 0?
organisational formulation and strengthening. Luring this period it ius
become clear to the League who are the friends end . who, . aye . the ; of
16 -
the struggle against war and oppression. The League is now faced with the
task of becoming a real militant organisations which would undertake not
only the publication, from time to time of appeals and protests, ):u; also
practical work for the mobilising of all an-ti- imperialist forces in a
united international front of resistance to imperialism and militarism.
The League must become a real mass organisation. Without losing its con¬
nections with individual petty-bourgeois organisations and workers who
might bring it a certain measure of advantage, the League should direot
its chief attention to the mass workers’ and peasants' organisations, and
chiefly to the trade unions. Only having connected itself with the trade
unions, having received the support of the wide workers' and peasants'
masses, can the League become a really serious weapon in the struggle
against imperialism. The Enlarged Plenum correctly understood its task,
decided to work by all possible means for the affiliation of the trade
unions to the League and for their being drawn into the united anti- imper¬
ialist front. It is to be hoped that the basic part of this work will be
carried out before the convocation of the Second Congress of the League,
this year, which is to strengthen organisationally the League and draw up
a milicant revolutionary programme for its activities.
%
Speech of T.W.FORD, Representing the INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION
COMMITTEE OF NEGRO WORKERS OF THE R.I.L.U., at the
Meeting of the Executive Committee of the League,
Januury 16,1329.
1 1 1
Comrades,
I speak to you as a member of the Executive Committee of the League
at Chicago, Ill., (USA), and on behalf of the International Treue Union
Committee of Negro Workers of the R.I.L.U. and the American Negro Labor
Congress. I bring greetings to the Executive Committee of the League Ag¬
ainst Imperialism. ^
The First Period of the League
Y/e have participated in and watched with interest the activities,
of the League up to the present moment. From its beginning and up to the
present moment, the activities of the League were shaped and have been de¬
termined by the necessities and objective conditions that manifested them¬
selves during this time. The League was born almost at the height of the
Cninese Revolution - tho most significant historical event since the
Russian Revolution --- at a time which required quick action against the
Imperialists, and counter-revolution which was setting in. It was a time
of demonstrative action; at this first Congress of the League we had the
unifying of our forces, a "getting together", most significant groupings •
in a demonstration against imperialism; this was no more warralj shown and
solemnized than when the Chinese delegate HANSON shook hands with the Bri¬
tish delegate BROCKWELL amidst stormy and thunderous applause.
But since that time much water has flowed under the bridge much
water that was muddy. V/e may say now that a period has closed and closed
with the betrayal of the Chinese Revolution.
What have we observed?
3etrayal of Certain Se c t i ons
The Chinese, Indonesian, Arabian and Negro toiling masses, who
— dmaJflenn!Sy^aSiS ?f+ihe Leu£ue ' 3 struggle against imperialism have iu.a
4 is appointing experiences, We are losing faith in the League
at least, in some of the supporters and backers of the League. ^ ’
, . . ,Ve ^ve seen many who pledged themselves at the first Com ress
urn their backs on their pledges and on their comrades. We have seen many
./ho pledged to defend the Cninese Revolution, murder and shoot down their
comrades.
in the pn3t we have heard and seen the capitalist and imperialist
17
1
%
governments unde r the pressure of the revolutionary upsurge of the t p 11-
±ns classes, in order to delude these masses and to secure tlioir hold
over them, issue radical phrases about self-determination, democracy,
propose various sorts of reforms, and so on, but no sooner had they is¬
sued them then they turned around and crushed every effort of minorities,
and oppressed peoples to freedom; they recinaed their reforms, reduced
the -wares and living standards of the toiling masses, and crushed their
efforts in blood. r, t-, “
In the same manner we heard and saw social-democrats, labor
governments, etc., issue radical phrases. Less have we seen them put for¬
ward any effort to carry out their slogans. We saw what the McDonald Go¬
vernment of England did in India, we saw what they did in regard to the
Chinese Revolution, not a ship did they stop from going to China with
ammunition of the British Imperialists to crush the Chinese workers and
peasants. We know quite well what the Dutch Social-Democrats have done
to support their government in crushing the Indonesians.
And so when we compare the actions of the Social-Democrats in
issuing radical slogans, with the actions of the capitalists, we see no-
difference, we are losing faith in these 3ort of people, we have lost s
faith in this section of the League. We say that in the future it is V
facts and actions that we want, no lip service, action is what counts and
means something to us.
Let ua go further. What about the Transport Workers' Interna¬
tional and colored . seamen? No ef fo. t is made to organise these workers,
on the contrary, dirt and slander is thrown at them by these same people,
./hut about the organisation of a strong seamen's Interna tional, embracing
all seamen? Of course, our good friends ana comrades do nothing in this
field. What about the ILP Labor Party and the colored and colonial work¬
ers of the British Empire, especially the Indian workers and peasants at
this very moment? Whom and for what do they send emii.suries to India?
The Second Phase --- the New Period of the League
These are some of the fac ts i these are some of the cuestions-
that supporters of the League must answer.
^n(i the future? We say frankly that we have lost faith. Yet .
tiic League has a cliauce to reorganise itself, readapt its programme i*e-
align its forces to carry out a militant programme of action and struggle
against imperialism. In the first place it must decided and outline a
programme of determined action against British and Dutch imperialism. It
mus w determine who will go with the League t.o the end in its programme.
•i) regards to the Negro workers and peasants. Y/h a* must the*
struggle be? The Negro workers and peasants are interested in three main
ppints ao the present moment for a determined struggle against imperialist
oppression, namely, (l)the war danger and use of Negro troops, *(2)polit-
S&t»rS'n0t?r?1“Stl0n- (3)against the reformat aoUons’anft prog-
prunes of certain Negro organisations. 1 b
;.. . First, it is clear that the contradictions amongst -the imperialist
for control over the territories of parts of the world where there are Negro
Wkers and peasants as well as the redivision of the colonial areas of
f var SulnsTthe'u * IT1***0 A1“° «>. imperialists are Joining
be used by all the bit; Imperialist nations. Hot only gen bSt low British
Imperialism is planning to send black troops into China to "protect" for
®*f* settlements "against" the Communists, In other words to cAsh thJ
Chinese Revolution, to crush the efforts of the Chinese workers and^eaa
ants, to set up hatreds and misunderstandings between Chinese workers and
Hegro workers British Imperialism in the past has sent ?ndLr 4l«e?s
ippinc^ahd^'eiiJo6 TU‘ iU)Q0^ca haa sent colored troops into the Phil¬
ippines and ..exico. France at the present time has a nn ~«v
African troops trained. She at least lv- ^on nrn + ajmo-- ** w--on
ready to bo trained, she is building Trau/oad ao«ss t ‘f*000
tort these troops to Europe, .uterloa sailed 8,000,000 Neg/o troops Laras'
ct-
in the last war, and will continue to depend upon Negro troops and ^ahcr
battalions. Those facto are of tremendous importance and concern to as,
Negro workers. They should be of tremendous significance to the League.
Secondly 8 after the last war there v;as much talk about self-
determination for national minorities and oppressed peoples. Many na¬
tional minorities and oppressed peoples took these slogans seriously. „-.t
the present time it has got through to the Negro vyorkers and peasants in
all parts of the world. In South Africa the native workers and peasants
are demanding a workers* and peasants' government. Here it is not the
cry of a minority, it is the demand of the great majority of the popula¬
tion for political freedom and self-determination, a great bulk of people,
workers and peasants who are suppressed by a handfull of imperialists
and their agents. In the West Indies, Haiti, etc., there has been a
long and determined fight for self-determination, it was in the West In¬
dies that the most determined and militant demonstration was made against
the agent of American Imperialism, the flying Eagle, Lindberg. In the
Southern part of the USA the oppressed Negro peasants and workers have a
basis for a struggle for self-determination, and the setting up of an
independent workers' and peasants' government. Certainly, the* League
must support these struggles against imperialism for national independence,
for workers' and peasants' control.
iuid finally, the Negro workers are concerned with the reformist
character of such organisations as the National Association for the ad¬
vancement of Colored People, the Garvey Movement, the Pan-African Congress,
the Negro Intellectuals, etc. An examination of the programmes of these
groups will show that their programmes and their efforts offer no real
and fundamental resistance to imperialism. In all cases they only ask
for reforms under imperialism, for support from imperialists to help build
a government of Negro capitalists to further exploit the Negro toiling
masses, for a share, in other words, in the exploitation of the Negro
toiling masses. This is the whole trend of thought of Negro intellectuals
in and outside of America. The League must support a fight against reform¬
ism in all its forms. We could point to a whole aeries of events t.hat(-show
this among these groups; the capitulation of the NaACP and the Negro in¬
tellectuals to American Imperialism in the last presidential election,
the attitude of some in the West African Student Union in London. The
capitulation of Garvey befbre the E.K.K. and for imperialist suppo-t, the
demands of the programme of the Pan-African Congress, etc.
/orkers* and Peasants' Basis ■ up-
So the League faces a new period, the second period, a period
not of demonstration and betrayal on the part of certain elements ;* the
second period must be an organised, systematic campaign against Imperialism,
I believe with my Chinese Comrade who 3poke last night that the League
must have a strong workers' and peasants' basis, a strong trade on’ on oa-
sro. V/e must draw wide masses into the League. In this connection r ’would
nke to make some suggestions. I call the Executive's attention t 'tli,
following Conferences which will take place very soon: (a) the Lauin-
American Conference in Lay, ( o ) the Pan-Pacif ic Conference ir. August, and
(c, the Conference of the International Trade Union Committee lie -c
Workers which will take place in the early Fall. 1 e
** is our Plan in the International Trade Union Cot Ittec of
negro Workers' Conference to bring together the Negro trade unions to.dls-
workers in a
of Negro wor
fight ,ag\lns‘
:ers rOrcs-
CO t
CU
t:
cuss their problems and align them with the world
Imperialism. It is our hope to have broad nasses
ented.
I think these three conferences will bring together
workers who want to, and will fight against imperialism. T beg
o ^ive consideration to the postponement of the world Conference
or Jui,. 1229, until after these conferences have met so that :o
opportunity to draw these broad masses into the League.
, 1 &ui! with my Chinese Comrade; in the . ec ond si- use
scccm period- of the League, we must be for MILITANT STRUGGT L AGAIN
the
the
T 1 --0
j li ons of
■> "rcsidiui
schedui ed
■ have
1, V . C
CRYSTALLISATION OF TIE 1TBGRO EACH PROBLEM IN CUBA
• t-i
• 1
-■ (Reprint Iron "The Nation", Jan. 9, 1929) 't-
■J<: .:c .•.€■» tiC rw .. . os : : \ .. ■. .0 t m
-A, , -io'-es la- ou Icu ■ . ' e flfl * til anon ; •«. - . !• V
m . tbi .iur> a\:c:-r l ..tablir &f ?: .r . '.or •'•a rv- n Ice -rs
Cabas's white gold,:' the source of its "national prosper ity" de¬
pends for its future role in the national economy of the country ah' the
size of. its black population. The blacker Cuba becomes, the mono white
Sugar will it be able to pour ;out in competition with the rest of the
world. The production of sugar 'in Cuba depends entirely on black labor,
roost of it imported from Haiti, Jamaica, and the other 'Antilles , in a
form which differs from the old slave traffic only by a few BAculistic for¬
malities . The Negroes are brought to Cuba in ships equipped is the slave
ships of old and delivered for a premium of #15. to #20. each to the sugar
companies on the basis of labor contracts signed by the negroes with a
finger-print. ; u; c... .
Some of this traffic was even too crude for the Cuban Government,
which otherwise permits and favours this means towards fostering the na¬
tional industry, and it was forced recently to expel -an American citizen,
Harry lluckleton, from the territory for having disregarded the formalities
by importing more slaves than required and selling them at only #15. each.
This business netted him according to the Cuban newspapers "a fabulous
fortune-1' in -the few -years he was -engaged in this time-honoured. eursu.it of
his forefathers.
Americans Import System of Racial Cleavage Among Workers
Though .Negroes and dark .Vulattoes are not a<fmi^t'bU"’in the "aris¬
tocratic" society of Cuba,- there is no segx*egation or discrimination in
m
schools or colleges. Often
jobs, in industry, in government employment,
Begro officers command white soldiers'* acne o* then hold 'high positions
in the army and in the Government. They work in all skilled '-tr: hdes are
treated as equals in all trade unions. No Cuban restaurant "or theatre
would think of refusing them entrance- or~ervic'eTl^TF@n:Q'''a'I I ^nnt.wrv
fa the custom in the' United states - ' - 1 - - - — — J
state of affairs is
This state of affairs is slowly being- changed
number and economic influence 'increase continuously .
~tric Cuban law. the hotels
T"‘
by the
.uier loans,
- , Though' ' it 'is
owned by Americans or catcr-
•icans in
wnos; _
expressly against the Cuban law, _
ing for Americana will not admit Negroes or luiattoes. 1 The Are
theix industrial enterprises malic the lr owli laws, disregarding the Cuban
laws, ana are establishing a kind of industrial extraterritoriality in this
respect. The_ largo sugar mills owned bp the United Fruit Gonrv, ny , have
erected whole towns for the lr various employees on kiie~'TerFTfof-y"'ownea^b v
^ecojnpany; thus, in the town of Banes, situated ' oh lalTd‘”bwhv5" 'Ey 'the
Lniood iruit Company, the firm has introduced tne "American1 isgime, abso-
iUuJ prohibition lor all races, and complete segregation of American whites
Cubans and Ne gr o o s
other str
No"' Negro man,
white Cubans live
— , — *= — -Ln o°uc special streets only white Americans “live,'
thlkh "ft i i t o Cubans live, and in u the r s only the 'rcolorea’!T
woman or child is allowed to enCVr “olio streetirTrf' 'I'nich""
m
ana
of
course
{till
enfer
less where
fab
the
“he
sut even the v/nite Cubans, who are generally the skilled workers and. fore¬
men in one mills and plantations, are strictly forbidden - in their own
“““ °° ontor the streets reserved for the white Americans
ni ^nt barriers are lowered and the three different uiatriets harboi riiir
the three different race, ur.d claaeee, arc looked hnot or £
„ , ^ 3ut ohG Ke-ro Problem is also becoming an acute c^oblPin with the
.uban natives. The probability and the hope of nan- Cub-n« t *ir h%th
the Lulattocs and Negroes will be completely absorbed, and thus make"^
Cuban nation a homogeneous r
found in the co
production, the
wages of tlio Cuban
reduce the
ndition of the
sugar barons
■ace, is fast vanishing. The cause
sugar industry. Seeking tc rodu;
impose it I:
fae
found
thb
workers .
it would be
Their wages
of thik is
o the- c-gyt of
further^ $o
v 1 r c ao y so low.u a o
** “
near the limits of bare existence, that any attempt at reduction would -
have caused wide-spread revolt, particularly as the workers are well or¬
ganised. The sugar companies, therefore, decided upon the experiment of
importing inart ioulate blacks, as was done in the days before slavery
was -legally abolished. It was easy to circumvent the law by the legal-
lification of labor contracts, with absolute illiterate Negroes who did not
understand the language of the country. These were imported both from
Haiti, where the Negroes speak a Frenoh dialect, and from Jamaica where
they speak English. Thus, these imported Negroes do not understand each
Other nor the Cubans who speak Spanish. This "black ivory" trade was al¬
lowed by a special decree, promulgated in 1912 by the then President,
Jose Miguel Gomez. - • t -
o - ■ * •» ’ ‘ ■ ■ . : . u • 1 • . • 1
Americans Increase the Atrocities of the Slave Trade
The Americans who carried their competition against the Cuban
sugar growers right into Cuban territory, by establishing there large mills
and plantations improved upon the slave-trade methods.
Thus the General Sugar Company stimulated the trade in blacks
by paying $25. for every Negro delivered on its reservations. Here the
Negroes romain virtually prisoners until after the crop is gathered. The
Haitian and Jamaioa Negroes are induced to come to Cuba under promises of
high wages, unknown in their own islands. Once in Cuba, they are led,
surrounded by armed guards, to the sugar plantations and housed there in
large, wooden barraoks, in which many couples live and sleep without any
partitions between them, and without any sanitary provisions, except a
hole in the ground at the end of the structure.
As they cannot get out of the enolosure during the entire time
of their contract, they must buy all the provisions in the company stores,
and usually , at the end of the crop are indebted to the contractor. Many
remain in Cuba and mix with the native Negro population. Some remain on
the plantation over the dead season and shift for themselves as best as
they can. The masters, however, are often kind enough to allow them to re¬
main in the barracks without exacting rent from them during the off sea-'
son, thus saving the expenses of any payment for new slaves. In the enclo¬
sure the Negroes are "protected" by armed company guards, equipped with
rifles and rubber whips, who shoot at any one attempting to eeoape.
Their pay is rarely more than 50 or 60 cents per hundred arrabas
(2,500 pounds of sugar cane cut) and as the most skilled workers are able
to cut only about 200 arrabas per day the average earnings of these mien
are about 60 to 80 cents per day during the few months of crop gathering.
There were protests and revolts against bad treatment. They were settled
by the guns of the guards. Some of these repressions wont so far that the
British Government found it necessary to protest against the maltreatment
of its subjects and requested compensation.
ihe influx of the Haitians and Jamaicans has increased consider¬
ably since the inception of this modern slave trade. Thu3, from the total
number of 709 Jamaicans and 233 Haitians who arrived in Cuba in 1912/ the
number r da e to 27,088 Jamaicans and 35,971 Haitians in 1920, i.e,, ari in¬
flux of 63,000 foreign Negroes into a population of less than three mil¬
lions. Ihe number of imported Negroes decreased, however, to aoout 25 000
in 1921, and dropped suddenly to 5,000 in 1922, the year of the sughr
orisis •
Spanish, Polish and Jewish Immigrants
T*ie importation was later resumed an2rTh~'1924 the number of Neg¬
roes imported from Haiti and Jamaica was again 26,000. Since 1921 the,
pumber of Jamaicans has been steadily decreasing, probably partly due to
the protection and warnings of the British Government, and partly beoause
Jamaicans are much lees illiterate than the Haitians, In 1927, the number
CKf Haitians who arrived in Cuba wa3 14,312 and of Jamaicans only 2,346
;vith a fQW hundred other black Antillans, make about 17,000
^ 1 arrival, in 1927, out of a total immigration of 31,515 persons
^he next largest contingent of immigrants consisted of Spaniards - 8 755'
rolish and Russian Jews - 984; Palestinian Jews - 285, and Syrians - 296.
- 21 -
1
The black immigration is larger than the total of white immigration.
Many Negroes from Haiti bring with them the Voodoo cult and
keep alive among the Cuban Negroes the traditions of nanegismo, the re¬
ligious, medicinal, and witch practices, sometimes even aooompanied by
cannibalistic rites . At the beginning of 1928 it seemed as if an end
would be made to the slave traffic and the '‘Negrif ication" of Cuba, when
the Government decided to restrict the output of sugar to 4,000,000 tons
per year. It was announced that from now on the imported Negroes would
be sent back to their countries 0 But in the meantime the International
conference fol? the restriction of sugar-production failed, Cuba declared
that consequently it would remove all restrictions on the sugar output,
even at the risk of driving the price of sugar still further down. More
sugar means cheaper sugar and cheaper sugar requires more Negro labor.
And quite recently the United Fruit Co, alone obtained from the Cuban
Government the permission to import 9,600 Negroes for work in its planta¬
tions.
The imported Negroes are not looked upon with friendly eyes
by the native workers, as they are used as strikebreakers and in general
are lowering the standard of living of the native workers, colored and
white alike. The American supermasters of the Island are by no means
anxious to prevent this slow Africanisation or "colonisation” of their
large autonomous sugar plantations Island. This Africanisation is only
partly offset by the immigration of whites from Europe, who, due to the
American immigration policy, are stranded in Cuba.
It is not improbable that this white immigration may be stopped
in the near future, beoause many of the white immigrants, particularly
the Spaniards and the Jews, are suspected of being susceptible to radical
ideas o Many Jews are, in fact, active in the local labor organisations
as soon as they arrive on the Island, and therefore white immigrants are
not so welcome as the willing, submissive blacks from Haiti.
110
100
* *
*
Collection Number: AD1715
SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS (SAIRR), 1892-1974
PUBLISHER:
Collection Funder:- Atlantic Philanthropies Foundation
Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive
Location:- Johannesburg
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